Tag Archives: institutional racism

An (Italian) undocumented migrant in New York

CorriereOnLine, 14 December 2014

Corriere della Sera, 14 December 2014

We are used to thinking of ‘illegal’ migrants as others from us, so if you are Italian and live in Italy the ‘clandestino’ is always imagined as a dark skinned, male and young person who travelled to Italy by a perilous journey on a rickety boat. More left-leaning Italians add to this image also the fact that the person may have been exploited, smuggled and vulnerable. No doubt, this is true for some, but there are many more routes into the country, more routes into ‘illegality’ and certainly different degrees of poverty, vulnerability and exploitation among undocumented migrants (see Sans Papiers).

Each country has a slightly different version of the quintessential ‘illegal’, and I say ‘slightly’ because a quick overview will easily point to a ‘preference’ for dark skinned and poor people for this casting role. But it is not a matter of ‘imagination’ only.

As I have pointed out a number of times (see my TEDx talk), immigration enforcement acts on those stereotypical representations of ‘the illegal’ and contributes to reify them. In other words, when the UK’s Home Office send border officers in search of undocumented migrants to raid Chinese or Indian restaurants or Kebab shops in East London or Brixton or to wedding ceremonies of people with South Asian sounding names in search of ‘sham marriages’, well, it is not rocket science but one can reasonably guess that it is likely that, if they are going to find someone without papers, he/she is going to be Chinese, Indian, Kurdish or Pakistani. There may well be thousands of white Americans or Australians living in the UK despite expired visas, but for the Home Office and a large part of the population they are not imagined as undocumented migrants and, fulfilling its own prophecy, not raiding more ‘respectable’ bars, shops or department stores the Home Office is unlikely to find them.

http://video.corriere.it/video-embed/9e8659e6-80a2-11e4-bf7c-95a1b87351f5

This video interview published on the Italian broadsheet Corriere della Sera is fascinating because it challenges upfront exactly those stereotypes and the immigration enforcement practices that they inform and in turn are reproduced by. So here you have a 24 year old Italian who, in breach of the terms of his visa, works in a posh patisserie ‘regularly’ but on someone else ID documents. He is aware of Barack Obama’s DACA scheme but doesn’t fulfil the requirements – ‘I can’t wait five years’, he says. He wants to regularise his position to open a business in the States as in Italy there is no chance to get a bank to lend him money. He has considered his options and the most feasible one is to marry someone with a US passport and gain the Green Card through marriage. It is not that difficult, he says. Being Italian doesn’t make him an obvious target for immigration control. He has also chosen to go for a gay marriage, not because this captures the zeitgeist of Obama’s America (but there may be something not verbalised around this) but ‘because otherwise my girlfriend would be jealous’, he explains. ‘It is a mutually convenient arrangements’, he adds. His US spouse is going to get tax cuts and $20,000 from him, but in instalments, the final one to be paid when he eventually gets the Green Card and can fulfil his American dream. Acting on stereotyping on Southern backwardness and machismo, the journalist asks: ‘Is your Sicilian mum shocked by your decision to marry a man?’. ‘No, no problem about that, but she worries because if I get caught, I could get a huge fine or even go to prison’.

Not bad as an example of migrant agency, youthful entrepreneurship and risk taking that Alice Bloch, Roger Zetter and I describe in our book, of the double position of the migrant as both immigrant and emigrant discussed by the French Algerian sociologist Sayad, and of migrants’ responsiveness to opportunity structures in both country of origin and country of destination that diaspora studies scholars talk extensively in their work.

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The story of Jo waiting for a future

From ‘Positive Contributions: Being a Refugee in Britain’ by Nando Sigona and Andreea R. Torre

In the mid-2000s, I carried out a piece of research for the Refugee Housing Association on the everyday lives of refugees and asylum seekers in Britain. At the time, the ‘bogus asylum seeker’ was in the news on a daily basis; moral panic on asylum was widespread and the Labour Party was struggling to come to term with a politically poisonous issue.

I set to investigate the positive contribution that refugees bring to Britain. The main aim was to offer an alternative image to counter hegemonic negative views, but I also wanted to avoid reproducing simplistic representations of refugees either as (voiceless) victims or unattainable political heroes. The kind of positive contribution I was looking for was very much mundane, ordinary and understated. The main aim of this report was to show, through their voices (drawings and photos), that refugees and asylum seekers contribute positively to British society, not just in economic terms but also, and above all, socially and culturally.

The report ‘Positive contributions: Being a refugee in Britain’ develops the idea of positive contribution in three main directions:

  • refugees enrich British society through their presence by multiplying points of view and creating an attitude that is conducive to questioning assumed truths and credos
  • their knowledge, skills and resources enhance society as a whole when they become part of our common shared values and culture
  • forced migration is a result of highly interrelated social and economic processes occurring at global level. As individuals living in ‘our midst’ refugees, asylum seekers and forced migrants bring direct and actual experience of these processes to society

One of the twenty refugees I interviewed was Jo, a Catholic, Georgian, Kurdish and former Soviet citizen. In his previous life, he was a journalist, a human rights activist, an interpreter and, years ago, a soldier in the Soviet army. In 2001 he went to a party in Tiblisi. There were many important people there. Someone took a photo of him speaking with a Vatican envoy. The authorities didn’t like it and he was arrested and tortured for two weeks. His organisation was banned. When he came out of prison he was told to leave the country. He applied for asylum in Britain in 2002. His case was rejected by the Home Office. He appealed but for the next three years didn’t hear back. When I met him he put on the table a large folder with papers, photos, newspaper cuts.

What have I been waiting for? Can you explain it to me, please?

He said and showed me a letter he had just received from the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal saying that, because the notes taken at his first interview at the Home Office were illegible, his appeal had been frozen for the past three years. This is one story like many one can hear from people who have been through the asylum system, of a life left in standby, of legal limbo and precariousness. But there is also something else, a question I asked myself at the time and that didn’t find an answer yet:

How could the Home Office refuse his application for asylum in the first instance if the notes taken at the interview were unreadable?

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Operation Mayapple: Another name & shame campaign from the UK government

A few years ago the Labour government launched a name & shame campaign against employers who employed undocumented migrants and fined them with up to £10,000 for each worker. More recently the coalition government has employed a similar strategy to tackle tax avoidance . Following what must be deemed a successful model, in a similar fashion today the Home Office Border Agency is advertising the results of its latest law & order campaign named Mayapple started in May this year. The campaign is mostly a PR operation that comes after a series of fiascos in migration and border management (some self-inflicted as in the case of the ‘net migration’ policy) that have seriously affected the reputation of the Home Office and its Border Agency.

Video and photo cameras were sent with UKBA officers to film ‘law & order’ operations (maybe inspired by the experience accumulated with the participation to the UK Border Force TV series).

However, this is not a PR operation for the 2000 migrants who having overstayed and/or breached the terms of their visas had to return home.  One third was made of Indian citizens. The rest were mostly from Pakistan, Nigeria, China, Bangladesh and Brazil.

One is left wondering if there is any rationale behind these countries of origin. A devil’s advocate may argue that there is not one rationale but three. To maximise impact and minimise troubles, the ‘illegal migrants’ were carefully cherry picked according to the following criteria: a) no women and no children because human rights activists could make a fuss; b) no citizens of rich and wealthy allies (i.e. US, Canada and Australia) because their embassies could raise a few eyebrows; c) no white people because they don’t fit the stereotype of the ‘illegal’ migrants, and, added benefit, the choice would please a section of the right-wing electoral body.

There is also a further aspect to consider. As shown in an excellent piece published in the Brixton Blog, the Operation Mayapple doesn’t affect only the ‘illegal migrants’ who are eventually removed or the approval rating of  Damian Green, local residents in areas that have been targeted by UKBA’s raids feel criminalised and angered by UKBA’s heavy-handiness during the arrests. After last year’s riots, the Home Office should be wary of exacerbating community relations to achieve short term political gains.

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Anti-Gypsyism and the politics of exclusion in Italy

The special issue of the Journal of Modern Italian Studies on contemporary anti-Gypsyism in Italy I have co-edited with Dr Isabella Clough Marinaro is now out! The collection includes work by Sabrina Tosi Cambini, Marco Solimene, Giovanni Picker, Ulderico Daniele, Isabella Clough Marinaro and myself. My article provides an overview of the current situation of Roma and Sinti in Italy, exploring in particular the ways in which recent political debate and policy initiatives have produced the securitization of the Roma issue and argues that the resignification, in the hegemonic discourse, of camps from ethnic enclaves for ‘nomads’ to Guantanamo-like enclosures for latent criminals is exemplary of this process.

View the introduction in pdf

View the table of contents

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